Cuba: 90% of major city's churches damaged by Hurricane Sandy
12 / 15 / 2012
Seven weeks after Hurricane Sandy ravaged Cuba, hundreds of thousands of
residents remain homeless, according to Bishop Luis del Castillo
Estrada, a Uruguayan Jesuit bishop who has served as a missionary in
Cuba since his retirement.
The dioceses of Uruguay are providing financial support to assist those
left homeless.
The prelate added that 90% of the churches around Santiago de Cuba, the
nation's second-largest city, have suffered damage, including the
National Shrine Basilica of Our Lady of Charity.
Source: Catholic Culture.org
http://www.cubaheadlines.com/2012/12/15/36768/cuba_90_of_major_city%E2%80%99s_churches_damaged_by_hurricane_sandy.html
Sunday, December 16, 2012
Economic Reforms in Cuba Require Decentralisation
Economic Reforms in Cuba Require Decentralisation
By Patricia Grogg
HAVANA, Dec 11 2012 (IPS) - The social and economic model that is taking
shape in Cuba based on changes gradually being implemented require
reforms for strengthening and giving greater autonomy to local
government bodies, which began to be renewed in October with the
election of new municipal assembly members.
Now that state, cooperative and private forms of property have begun to
coexist in the Cuban economy, "decentralised decision-making is going to
be essential to the success of these transformations," Ricardo Torres, a
researcher with the University of Havana's Centre for the Study of the
Cuban Economy, told IPS.
That principle is considered basic to the goal of local development, a
process in which municipalities are becoming central players instead of
recipients. The government wants projects such as small-scale industries
and service centres, especially in the food sector, to be part of the
strategy of municipal self-reliance in terms of supplies.
To ensure financial autonomy, the tax system that will go into effect in
January will include taxes on businesses, trading companies and
cooperatives, with the goal of financing projects in the areas where
they are located. That income will increase municipal budgets for local
productive and service activities.
Torres said that a mixed economy (in terms of ownership) and
decentralisation are becoming characteristics of the model that could
emerge from the reforms that were approved in April 2011, during the
Sixth Congress of the ruling Communist Party of Cuba.
On that occasion, President Raúl Castro announced that the "excessively
centralised economic model" had to open up. "Practical experience has
shown us that excessive centralisation conspires against the development
of society and the entire production chain," Castro said.
"All of our lives, we have seen a Cuban model based on a central power,
from which all decisions come. Now we have seen that that is not
viable," said Professor Marta Zaldívar of the University of Havana's
Faculty of Economics.
For Zaldívar, who has been working on the issue for several years, local
development will continue to be a pending issue if there is no legal
framework for management at the provincial level. "Some steps have been
taken, but they are still incipient. The process is slow and time is
running out," she said.
In an interview with IPS, Torres said that "in a situation where there
is greater heterogeneity among economic actors, it is essential for them
to be able to make autonomous decisions about a multitude of variables
and questions related to the life of these organisations."
At the same time, he said, this is a new path, which requires a break
with schemes and patterns of behaviour. "In fact, there will be cases
where it will be necessary to de-concentrate ownership in enterprises
that are too large for the size of the domestic market. It is an area in
which state companies will have to be more autonomous," he said.
In line with these changes in business management, the national
government will have a number of powers, but it will have to share
authority and functions with provincial and municipal authorities. "That
is another long and difficult learning process that Cuba is setting out
on now," Torres commented.
Local and provincial governments "will have to play a leading role in
setting the development agenda for their regions, which requires a
number of things, including greater autonomy for them to make relevant
decisions in certain areas, such as setting local policies that do not
interfere with the national strategies," he said.
In his view, the conditions are not yet fully in place in every province
and municipality, which means the process will have to include the
strengthening of local government capacities, so that the local and
regional authorities are able to become more active agents in economic
and social development at the municipal and provincial levels.
The municipal delegates who won the recent local elections — a process
that lasted until November in some places due to Hurricane Sandy's
impact on the eastern provinces — are the government officials closest
to the grassroots of society.
One frequent complaint voiced by Cubans is that a delegate may be very
good, but does not have the resources to solve voters' problems.
However, delegates are not actually in charge of directly solving
problems; their job is to represent and express the needs, concerns and
difficulties of their constituents, and to inform them of measures
passed by the municipal assembly.
Municipal elections are held every two and a half years. On this
occasion, they will be followed by elections in February for
representatives to provincial assemblies and the National Assembly – the
single-chamber parliament. The official Communist Party media outlets
have acknowledged that these government bodies need to boost their
authority and participation in the process of changes.
By taking on a more central role in developing their regions, local
officials will reinforce democratic participation and bring government
closer to citizens on the local level, Torres said. He added that
citizens, in turn, will be more interested in giving their votes to
individuals shown to be the most competent in given situations.
In that sense, Torres did not rule out the future professionalisation of
municipal and provincial delegates, and of the members of the National
Assembly.
"As of now, in most cases, representatives at all levels fulfil their
duties simultaneously with those of their previous occupation; however,
if we really want these people to turn toward the development of their
communities, the issue of professionalisation should be analysed and
debated," he commented.
* With reporting by Ivet González.
http://www.ipsnews.net/2012/12/economic-reforms-in-cuba-require-decentralisation/
By Patricia Grogg
HAVANA, Dec 11 2012 (IPS) - The social and economic model that is taking
shape in Cuba based on changes gradually being implemented require
reforms for strengthening and giving greater autonomy to local
government bodies, which began to be renewed in October with the
election of new municipal assembly members.
Now that state, cooperative and private forms of property have begun to
coexist in the Cuban economy, "decentralised decision-making is going to
be essential to the success of these transformations," Ricardo Torres, a
researcher with the University of Havana's Centre for the Study of the
Cuban Economy, told IPS.
That principle is considered basic to the goal of local development, a
process in which municipalities are becoming central players instead of
recipients. The government wants projects such as small-scale industries
and service centres, especially in the food sector, to be part of the
strategy of municipal self-reliance in terms of supplies.
To ensure financial autonomy, the tax system that will go into effect in
January will include taxes on businesses, trading companies and
cooperatives, with the goal of financing projects in the areas where
they are located. That income will increase municipal budgets for local
productive and service activities.
Torres said that a mixed economy (in terms of ownership) and
decentralisation are becoming characteristics of the model that could
emerge from the reforms that were approved in April 2011, during the
Sixth Congress of the ruling Communist Party of Cuba.
On that occasion, President Raúl Castro announced that the "excessively
centralised economic model" had to open up. "Practical experience has
shown us that excessive centralisation conspires against the development
of society and the entire production chain," Castro said.
"All of our lives, we have seen a Cuban model based on a central power,
from which all decisions come. Now we have seen that that is not
viable," said Professor Marta Zaldívar of the University of Havana's
Faculty of Economics.
For Zaldívar, who has been working on the issue for several years, local
development will continue to be a pending issue if there is no legal
framework for management at the provincial level. "Some steps have been
taken, but they are still incipient. The process is slow and time is
running out," she said.
In an interview with IPS, Torres said that "in a situation where there
is greater heterogeneity among economic actors, it is essential for them
to be able to make autonomous decisions about a multitude of variables
and questions related to the life of these organisations."
At the same time, he said, this is a new path, which requires a break
with schemes and patterns of behaviour. "In fact, there will be cases
where it will be necessary to de-concentrate ownership in enterprises
that are too large for the size of the domestic market. It is an area in
which state companies will have to be more autonomous," he said.
In line with these changes in business management, the national
government will have a number of powers, but it will have to share
authority and functions with provincial and municipal authorities. "That
is another long and difficult learning process that Cuba is setting out
on now," Torres commented.
Local and provincial governments "will have to play a leading role in
setting the development agenda for their regions, which requires a
number of things, including greater autonomy for them to make relevant
decisions in certain areas, such as setting local policies that do not
interfere with the national strategies," he said.
In his view, the conditions are not yet fully in place in every province
and municipality, which means the process will have to include the
strengthening of local government capacities, so that the local and
regional authorities are able to become more active agents in economic
and social development at the municipal and provincial levels.
The municipal delegates who won the recent local elections — a process
that lasted until November in some places due to Hurricane Sandy's
impact on the eastern provinces — are the government officials closest
to the grassroots of society.
One frequent complaint voiced by Cubans is that a delegate may be very
good, but does not have the resources to solve voters' problems.
However, delegates are not actually in charge of directly solving
problems; their job is to represent and express the needs, concerns and
difficulties of their constituents, and to inform them of measures
passed by the municipal assembly.
Municipal elections are held every two and a half years. On this
occasion, they will be followed by elections in February for
representatives to provincial assemblies and the National Assembly – the
single-chamber parliament. The official Communist Party media outlets
have acknowledged that these government bodies need to boost their
authority and participation in the process of changes.
By taking on a more central role in developing their regions, local
officials will reinforce democratic participation and bring government
closer to citizens on the local level, Torres said. He added that
citizens, in turn, will be more interested in giving their votes to
individuals shown to be the most competent in given situations.
In that sense, Torres did not rule out the future professionalisation of
municipal and provincial delegates, and of the members of the National
Assembly.
"As of now, in most cases, representatives at all levels fulfil their
duties simultaneously with those of their previous occupation; however,
if we really want these people to turn toward the development of their
communities, the issue of professionalisation should be analysed and
debated," he commented.
* With reporting by Ivet González.
http://www.ipsnews.net/2012/12/economic-reforms-in-cuba-require-decentralisation/
Defrauding the Consumer: An Epidemic in Cuba
Defrauding the Consumer: An Epidemic in Cuba / Ivan Garcia #Cuba
Ivan Garcia, Translator: Unstated
Fooling Nivaldo, 71, is not an easy task. When the old man goes
shopping, in his inseparable shopping bag he carries a portable scale.
As he rummages through the meat, fruit and vegetables covered with dirt
on the metallic trays at the farmers market, the problems arise.
At the checkout, the traders try to scam him, charging more for the
products than they weigh. Demanding his rights has given the old man a
reputation for stinginess and unfriendliness.
"Yesterday I got twelve pounds of pork oat 23 pesos a pound, when I
checked the weight it was 2-1/2 pounds under. It's common. At every
market there are State scales to check they're selling you the exact
weight, but they often rig them. It's a national epidemic. Fucking
people over is like a sport," says Nivaldo, while rushing to get home
before the clouds burst.
Scamming and adulteration food and other items is an old story. In many
hard currency shops and snack bars, the principal mission of the staff
is to "fine" (i.e. cheat) the customer. There are new methods. Others
are clumsy bungles.
In the Island of Cuba Mall, a stone's throw from the National Capitol
building, Luisa, 46, reached into the meat fridges and pulled out two
packages of chicken thighs, where it showed the price according to weight.
She added it up. One package cost 2.60 and the other 2.40. In total, 5
convertible pesos. The math doesn't fail. But in Cuba numbers are magic.
Quietly, the cashier sealed the two packages and put the in a nylon bag
and said they were 5.30.
Luisa explained that there must have been a mistake. She opened the
sealed packages and showed them. The cashier admitted it and replied
that "it was the fault of the cash register."
If you don't look after yourself, the vendors will blatantly cheat you.
Marco, who works in a hard currency supermarket, offers a justification.
"We earn very little. The way we get money is to "fine" the customer.
Those who work in this sector invest hundreds of dollars to get a place.
The thing is hot and we have to go home with money. We also have families."
The question Marco preferred not to answer was: if the customers are not
at fault for their low salaries, why don't they complain to the union
and mount a loud protest in the Plaza of the Revolution.
Ah, no, this they would never do. They could go to jail. Given the lack
of legal mechanisms that allow service workers to demand better
salaries, the solution is to discharge their repressed anger in the
pockets of the consumers.
In the hotels, discos and restaurants where the tourists usually go, the
"fines" increase. Many managers of tourist restaurants have a doctorate
in the subject. Looking at the credit cards and details like expensive
watches or an Apple laptop, they calculate how much money they can skim off.
A few days ago three habaneros living in Miami arrived with several
friends at a hard currency snack bar to drink beer in style. On the fly,
the employee caught they were "Cubans from the other side." Every so
often, while collecting the empty beer cans, he talked about the Major
Leagues. He established empathy with them. After 11 at night,
inebriated, happy to share with attentive staff, singing boleros and
taking photos, they paid 130 CUC. An excessive amount.
Right now, the Cuban-Americans are the best clients. They leave good
tips. And if the guy gets drunk, the "fine" is even more.
To deceive the customer is latent in all sectors of the national life.
If you walk down any street in Havana, you will see a multitude of
plastic tables of the State food service offering pork sandwiches for 5
pesos, servings of fried rise at 15 pesos and fried chicken at 1.60 an
ounce.
I have always been amazed by the capacity of the tropical bureaucracy
for absurd formalisms. Every little table has a weight and a sign that
indicates the grams of each product a consumer should have.
A dapper "chef" picks a greasy pork leg, skin with strips of meat and
dried fruit. He weighs it and puts the hash in a round pan. Does each
consumer have to walk around with a portable scale to verify the exact
grams? The old Nivaldo does. But the vast majority don't worry about
weighing what they buy.
We Cubans are not used to being scammed. An "extra payment" we accept
with discipline, like everything in Cuba. From listening to a speech
promising a bright future that never comes, to buying our 80 grams of
bread every day that almost always weighs about half that.
In street slang, duping customers is called "fighting/" It's a vicious
circle. You fuck me over from behind the bar, and late I overcharge you
20 CUC for a medical checkup.
It's a kind of pact. We fuck each other over. Few have the courage to
point out those guilty of transforming our lives into a competition to
see who can hurt others the most.
The loss of values has been one of the greatest damages caused by the
Castro's in their 54 year reign. To recover them will be very expensive.
Photo: Sale of pig's liver at a Havana farmer's market, taken from
Worldisround.
December 5 2012
http://translatingcuba.com/defrauding-the-consumer-an-epidemic-in-cuba-ivan-garcia-cuba/
Ivan Garcia, Translator: Unstated
Fooling Nivaldo, 71, is not an easy task. When the old man goes
shopping, in his inseparable shopping bag he carries a portable scale.
As he rummages through the meat, fruit and vegetables covered with dirt
on the metallic trays at the farmers market, the problems arise.
At the checkout, the traders try to scam him, charging more for the
products than they weigh. Demanding his rights has given the old man a
reputation for stinginess and unfriendliness.
"Yesterday I got twelve pounds of pork oat 23 pesos a pound, when I
checked the weight it was 2-1/2 pounds under. It's common. At every
market there are State scales to check they're selling you the exact
weight, but they often rig them. It's a national epidemic. Fucking
people over is like a sport," says Nivaldo, while rushing to get home
before the clouds burst.
Scamming and adulteration food and other items is an old story. In many
hard currency shops and snack bars, the principal mission of the staff
is to "fine" (i.e. cheat) the customer. There are new methods. Others
are clumsy bungles.
In the Island of Cuba Mall, a stone's throw from the National Capitol
building, Luisa, 46, reached into the meat fridges and pulled out two
packages of chicken thighs, where it showed the price according to weight.
She added it up. One package cost 2.60 and the other 2.40. In total, 5
convertible pesos. The math doesn't fail. But in Cuba numbers are magic.
Quietly, the cashier sealed the two packages and put the in a nylon bag
and said they were 5.30.
Luisa explained that there must have been a mistake. She opened the
sealed packages and showed them. The cashier admitted it and replied
that "it was the fault of the cash register."
If you don't look after yourself, the vendors will blatantly cheat you.
Marco, who works in a hard currency supermarket, offers a justification.
"We earn very little. The way we get money is to "fine" the customer.
Those who work in this sector invest hundreds of dollars to get a place.
The thing is hot and we have to go home with money. We also have families."
The question Marco preferred not to answer was: if the customers are not
at fault for their low salaries, why don't they complain to the union
and mount a loud protest in the Plaza of the Revolution.
Ah, no, this they would never do. They could go to jail. Given the lack
of legal mechanisms that allow service workers to demand better
salaries, the solution is to discharge their repressed anger in the
pockets of the consumers.
In the hotels, discos and restaurants where the tourists usually go, the
"fines" increase. Many managers of tourist restaurants have a doctorate
in the subject. Looking at the credit cards and details like expensive
watches or an Apple laptop, they calculate how much money they can skim off.
A few days ago three habaneros living in Miami arrived with several
friends at a hard currency snack bar to drink beer in style. On the fly,
the employee caught they were "Cubans from the other side." Every so
often, while collecting the empty beer cans, he talked about the Major
Leagues. He established empathy with them. After 11 at night,
inebriated, happy to share with attentive staff, singing boleros and
taking photos, they paid 130 CUC. An excessive amount.
Right now, the Cuban-Americans are the best clients. They leave good
tips. And if the guy gets drunk, the "fine" is even more.
To deceive the customer is latent in all sectors of the national life.
If you walk down any street in Havana, you will see a multitude of
plastic tables of the State food service offering pork sandwiches for 5
pesos, servings of fried rise at 15 pesos and fried chicken at 1.60 an
ounce.
I have always been amazed by the capacity of the tropical bureaucracy
for absurd formalisms. Every little table has a weight and a sign that
indicates the grams of each product a consumer should have.
A dapper "chef" picks a greasy pork leg, skin with strips of meat and
dried fruit. He weighs it and puts the hash in a round pan. Does each
consumer have to walk around with a portable scale to verify the exact
grams? The old Nivaldo does. But the vast majority don't worry about
weighing what they buy.
We Cubans are not used to being scammed. An "extra payment" we accept
with discipline, like everything in Cuba. From listening to a speech
promising a bright future that never comes, to buying our 80 grams of
bread every day that almost always weighs about half that.
In street slang, duping customers is called "fighting/" It's a vicious
circle. You fuck me over from behind the bar, and late I overcharge you
20 CUC for a medical checkup.
It's a kind of pact. We fuck each other over. Few have the courage to
point out those guilty of transforming our lives into a competition to
see who can hurt others the most.
The loss of values has been one of the greatest damages caused by the
Castro's in their 54 year reign. To recover them will be very expensive.
Photo: Sale of pig's liver at a Havana farmer's market, taken from
Worldisround.
December 5 2012
http://translatingcuba.com/defrauding-the-consumer-an-epidemic-in-cuba-ivan-garcia-cuba/
Stalking the Stalkers
Stalking the Stalkers / Rebeca Monzo #Cuba
Rebeca Monzo, Translator: Unstated
Since the arrests which grew out of a tragic event—the premature deaths
of Oswaldo Payá and Harold Cepero—it has increased. Especially the
stalking near the house of Antonio Rodiles, headquarters of State of
SATS.* This time they were not content to hinder access to the
residence. They also arrested people who, affirming their rights as
citizens,insisted on being allowed to go there. After being prohibited
by authorities from continuing on, two of the more impetuous young men
decided to go along the shoreline. Rodiles' house sits by the sea and
only a big chain link fence, rusted by time, separates it from the ocean.
Some people were already inside, either because they arrived before the
operation had begun, or because they passed unnoticed through the police
cordon. They were suddenly startled by the sight of these two
men—completely dressed but soaked—who climbed over the fence, trying to
enter the premises. At first everyone thought the police operation was
being carried out by sea, but they immediately recognized the two young
men and let them in. The host loaned them some of his clothes so they
could dry off, change and join the meeting.
With this and recent events very much on everyone's mind, we were afraid
we would be confronting a similar situation on Friday, September 7. We
were to meet at the house of Yoani Sánchez for the release of the
sixteenth issue of the digital magazine Voces, which is dedicated
exclusively to the memory of Payá,who, along with Cepero, lost his life
in a very controversial automobile accident.**
Many of us were mentally prepared for a "political stalking." But when
we arrived, everything nearby seemed normal. Even those "shady types,"
the sight of whom has become routine for us, did not seem to be around.
I am sure they were there, but were keeping a low profile.
When my husband and I arrived, there was already a group of people in
the apartment. The living/dining room had been converted into a
makeshift cinema. They were about to show a short film of the eulogy and
internment of Payá, as well as images of masses said in his memory at
the church in his neighborhood, where he was much loved and admired.
Before the film began, Reinaldo Escobar read a brief but emotional
message from the wife of the deceased, apologizing for not being able to
attend.
Later, the journalist and blogger Orlando Luís Pardo Lardo, as is
customary, presented the latest issue of Voces. Finally, some sample
copies, courtesy of a collaboration among friends, were handed out to
those in attendance.The children who were present provided a happy note
that helped dispel the sense of nostalgia that was the prevailing mood
of this gathering. Everything was very pleasant, but in an instant this
cozy atmosphere was interrupted by an unexpected and unpleasant visit.
* Translator's notes:
According to its website, State of SATS "hopes to create a plural space
for participation and debate, where open and frank debate is exchanged.
The project sponsors panel discussions, forums and other events that are
filmed and broadcasted on the Internet."
**On July 22, prominent Cuban pro-democracy leader Oswaldo Paya and
activist Harold Cepero were killed in a car accident while on a trip to
the east of Cuba. Many Cuban dissidents suspect foul play may have been
involved. Paya's daughter has declared in an audio clip that a second
car provoked the crash.
Site manager's note: Somehow this post never appeared, despite having
been translated in September. Apologies for the delay.
September 8 2012
http://translatingcuba.com/stalking-the-stalkers-rebeca-monzo-cuba/
Rebeca Monzo, Translator: Unstated
Since the arrests which grew out of a tragic event—the premature deaths
of Oswaldo Payá and Harold Cepero—it has increased. Especially the
stalking near the house of Antonio Rodiles, headquarters of State of
SATS.* This time they were not content to hinder access to the
residence. They also arrested people who, affirming their rights as
citizens,insisted on being allowed to go there. After being prohibited
by authorities from continuing on, two of the more impetuous young men
decided to go along the shoreline. Rodiles' house sits by the sea and
only a big chain link fence, rusted by time, separates it from the ocean.
Some people were already inside, either because they arrived before the
operation had begun, or because they passed unnoticed through the police
cordon. They were suddenly startled by the sight of these two
men—completely dressed but soaked—who climbed over the fence, trying to
enter the premises. At first everyone thought the police operation was
being carried out by sea, but they immediately recognized the two young
men and let them in. The host loaned them some of his clothes so they
could dry off, change and join the meeting.
With this and recent events very much on everyone's mind, we were afraid
we would be confronting a similar situation on Friday, September 7. We
were to meet at the house of Yoani Sánchez for the release of the
sixteenth issue of the digital magazine Voces, which is dedicated
exclusively to the memory of Payá,who, along with Cepero, lost his life
in a very controversial automobile accident.**
Many of us were mentally prepared for a "political stalking." But when
we arrived, everything nearby seemed normal. Even those "shady types,"
the sight of whom has become routine for us, did not seem to be around.
I am sure they were there, but were keeping a low profile.
When my husband and I arrived, there was already a group of people in
the apartment. The living/dining room had been converted into a
makeshift cinema. They were about to show a short film of the eulogy and
internment of Payá, as well as images of masses said in his memory at
the church in his neighborhood, where he was much loved and admired.
Before the film began, Reinaldo Escobar read a brief but emotional
message from the wife of the deceased, apologizing for not being able to
attend.
Later, the journalist and blogger Orlando Luís Pardo Lardo, as is
customary, presented the latest issue of Voces. Finally, some sample
copies, courtesy of a collaboration among friends, were handed out to
those in attendance.The children who were present provided a happy note
that helped dispel the sense of nostalgia that was the prevailing mood
of this gathering. Everything was very pleasant, but in an instant this
cozy atmosphere was interrupted by an unexpected and unpleasant visit.
* Translator's notes:
According to its website, State of SATS "hopes to create a plural space
for participation and debate, where open and frank debate is exchanged.
The project sponsors panel discussions, forums and other events that are
filmed and broadcasted on the Internet."
**On July 22, prominent Cuban pro-democracy leader Oswaldo Paya and
activist Harold Cepero were killed in a car accident while on a trip to
the east of Cuba. Many Cuban dissidents suspect foul play may have been
involved. Paya's daughter has declared in an audio clip that a second
car provoked the crash.
Site manager's note: Somehow this post never appeared, despite having
been translated in September. Apologies for the delay.
September 8 2012
http://translatingcuba.com/stalking-the-stalkers-rebeca-monzo-cuba/
Attack on Antunez in Placetas
Attack on Antunez in Placetas / Luis Felipe Rojas #Cuba
Antunez - Jorge Luis Garcia Perez, Luis Felipe Rojas, Translator: Unstated
Democratic Cuban Directorate, Miami, December 3, 2012. In the city of
Placetas Jorge Luis Garcia Perez "Antunez" reported that at noon he was
traveling on his bicycle to his home, and at the intersection of South
5th Street at the corner of West 6th, a police car came behind him,
toward the place where he was riding. On turning on his bike toward a
street to the right, he followed his instinct for self-preservation, the
cop car managed only to brush him from behind, and the police, visibly
nervous, ask him for his identity card and detained him.
"Looking back I realize that had this attack of the cop car against me
taken place next to the little bridge there that I would have fallen and
broken my neck, it would have killed me. This worries me greatly
considering the number of threats that I am receiving from the police;
the threats I received in Camagey when I was arrested, they were going
to kill me, they would not allow me to continue to promote activities in
the streets. Death threats recently in the province of Holguín when I
was arrested. That hatred and that viciousness that the military doesn't
hide when they confront me," complained Antunez.
December 4 2012
http://translatingcuba.com/attack-on-antunez-in-placetas-luis-felipe-rojas-cuba/
Antunez - Jorge Luis Garcia Perez, Luis Felipe Rojas, Translator: Unstated
Democratic Cuban Directorate, Miami, December 3, 2012. In the city of
Placetas Jorge Luis Garcia Perez "Antunez" reported that at noon he was
traveling on his bicycle to his home, and at the intersection of South
5th Street at the corner of West 6th, a police car came behind him,
toward the place where he was riding. On turning on his bike toward a
street to the right, he followed his instinct for self-preservation, the
cop car managed only to brush him from behind, and the police, visibly
nervous, ask him for his identity card and detained him.
"Looking back I realize that had this attack of the cop car against me
taken place next to the little bridge there that I would have fallen and
broken my neck, it would have killed me. This worries me greatly
considering the number of threats that I am receiving from the police;
the threats I received in Camagey when I was arrested, they were going
to kill me, they would not allow me to continue to promote activities in
the streets. Death threats recently in the province of Holguín when I
was arrested. That hatred and that viciousness that the military doesn't
hide when they confront me," complained Antunez.
December 4 2012
http://translatingcuba.com/attack-on-antunez-in-placetas-luis-felipe-rojas-cuba/
Cuba's Favorite Shirt Tails a New Generation
December 14, 2012, 10:20 p.m. ET
Cuba's Favorite Shirt Tails a New Generation
Storied 'Guayabera' Faced Fashion Exile; Now It's a Club-Scene Hit
By ÁNGEL GONZÁLEZ
MIAMI—The guayabera, a pleated, four-pocket shirt worn untucked over
trousers, became a ubiquitous fashion here thanks to Cuban exiles
fleeing Fidel Castro and his olive-green fatigues.
Now that the original exiles are dying out, some haberdashers are trying
to remake the centuries-old shirt for a younger, hipper generation. It
can be a tough sell.
Antonio García-Martínez, a son of Cuban émigrés who grew up in Miami,
says the classic linen guayabera has clear stylistic limits: It wrinkles
easily, looks boxy, and is just too old-fashioned for his taste. The
shirt "makes you look like a Cuban grandfather at a funeral," says Mr.
García-Martínez, now in his mid-30s, who now lives in the San Francisco
Bay area.
In its classic, long-sleeve form, with lines of pleats tightly sewn into
crisp linen fabric, the guayabera has long been a comfortable and
appropriate alternative to dress suits in the steamy tropics.
Worn by men in warm countries from Southeast Asia to the Caribbean, the
shirt is widely believed to have originated in Cuba, where it spread
from the peasantry to become a symbol of elegance in Havana, and with
such foreign devotees as Ernest Hemingway.
Nowadays, most guayaberas—with short sleeves and long—are made in Mexico
or China, mainly from cotton or synthetic fabrics that conveniently dry
quickly when washed.
But there are still tailors in Miami who care deeply about the craft and
some of them are looking to update the style for younger men.
A few retailers are pushing wild new incarnations including
guayabera-inspired baby wear, dresses, tunics—and even outfits for dogs.
The main focus, though, is on trying to make the shirt cooler for the
young people who are now among the city's chief fashion consumers.
As the scion of guayabera royalty, Louis Puig, 52, knows the new target
customer well.
His father Ramón, a noted tailor, earned a reputation back in Cuba as a
guayabera wizard, then built on it in Miami, where he re-established
himself as king of the Guayaberas. Now that "el Rey de las Guayaberas"
has passed away, the younger Mr. Puig—who had a career here as a disco
DJ and owns Club Space, one of Miami's most famous electronic music
clubs—is trying to jazz up the family business with a flashy new
boutique in downtown Miami, a world away from Little Havana, where his
father set up shop in 1971.
Pricey linen and cotton guayaberas with stripes and in bold colors hang
from racks—a revolutionary departure from the traditional white, beige
or light- blue look. There are guayabera-style dresses for women.
The old store is cluttered with mementos and rolls of fabric; the new
downtown boutique, rebranded "Ramón Puig Guayaberas," has portraits of
sexy models strutting their guayaberas on South Beach's Ocean Drive.
Enlarge Image
image
image
Guayabera
"The guayabera is the coolest thing in the world," says the younger Mr.
Puig, adding, "It's not just your dad's shirt anymore. It's Cuban cool."
The guayabera's roots are a mystery, but tales point to 18th-century
rural Cuba, where a Spanish settler asked his wife to make a shirt with
extra pockets, a design that local guava pickers found practical
(Guayaba is Spanish for guava.)
Others say the name derives from the Yayabo river, near the Cuban town
of Sancti Spiritus. In any case, the shirt allowed planters and soldiers
to beat the heat, and quickly spread to other Spanish outposts in Latin
America and Southeast Asia. Cuban doctors and legionnaires also took it
to Africa during the Cold War.
After the Cuban Revolution, the guayabera's manufacturing heartland
moved to Mexico's Yucatán Peninsula, where makers added embroidery.
Its popularity there was enshrined in the early 1970s by Mexican
President Luis Echeverría, an aficionado of the shirt, says Mike Knoll,
a folklorist at HistoryMiami, formerly the Historical Museum of Southern
Florida.
Today, the guayabera is also known as a "Mexican wedding shirt," and has
become popular attire at tropical destination weddings. It remains a
favorite among Latin American heads of state, including Mr. Castro
himself, who has worn them at summits. Since 2010, the guayabera has
been the official garment of Cuban diplomats.
Today in Miami, however, the shirt faces obstacles in winning recent
Cuban immigrants, who lived under the island's Communist regime and have
a less romantic view of many old traditions, including guayabera fashions.
Mr. Knoll, who curated an exhibit on the shirt, says that on the island
the garment is "not nearly as beloved as it once was." Most newer Cuban
immigrants associate it with state security agents and stodgy
revolutionary officials.
Miami-based Rafael Contreras Jr., whose D'Accord-brand guayaberas are
made in Yucatán and sold around the world, says love for the guayabera
shrinks and expands. In the '80s, youngsters in Miami wore them with
jeans and cowboy boots at nightclubs, he says.
Now some young people want "guayamisas"—a cross between a guayabera and
a simpler dress shirt.
They like the untucked style and fine pleats—but "they don't want
pockets" because they give the shirt a more streamlined look, he says.
Louis McMillian, a 34 year-old commercial Realtor who grew up in Miami,
is a big fan of the garment. He said he has seven guayaberas, and he
wears one at least once a week, sometimes at work. He says that they're
sharp, comfortable in Miami's steamy weather, and help strike up
conversation with clients.
"You can wear it with jeans and still looks good," he says. They also
remind him of his Cuban grandfather, who introduced him to the shirt.
"To me it's something special," Mr. McMillian says.
With some refurbishing, loyalists are confident that the guayabera can
prove as resilient as Mr. Castro, the bearded comandante who still
haunts many here.
"I don't know of a Cuban in Miami who doesn't own at least one or two,"
says Mike Valdés-Fauli, a second-generation Cuban-American. The 33-year
old marketing executive owns three—two that his grandfather bought him,
and one in pink that he purchased himself. He wears the shirts mostly at
family gatherings.
Write to Ángel González at angel.gonzalez@dowjones.com
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887324481204578179370815982916.html
Cuba's Favorite Shirt Tails a New Generation
Storied 'Guayabera' Faced Fashion Exile; Now It's a Club-Scene Hit
By ÁNGEL GONZÁLEZ
MIAMI—The guayabera, a pleated, four-pocket shirt worn untucked over
trousers, became a ubiquitous fashion here thanks to Cuban exiles
fleeing Fidel Castro and his olive-green fatigues.
Now that the original exiles are dying out, some haberdashers are trying
to remake the centuries-old shirt for a younger, hipper generation. It
can be a tough sell.
Antonio García-Martínez, a son of Cuban émigrés who grew up in Miami,
says the classic linen guayabera has clear stylistic limits: It wrinkles
easily, looks boxy, and is just too old-fashioned for his taste. The
shirt "makes you look like a Cuban grandfather at a funeral," says Mr.
García-Martínez, now in his mid-30s, who now lives in the San Francisco
Bay area.
In its classic, long-sleeve form, with lines of pleats tightly sewn into
crisp linen fabric, the guayabera has long been a comfortable and
appropriate alternative to dress suits in the steamy tropics.
Worn by men in warm countries from Southeast Asia to the Caribbean, the
shirt is widely believed to have originated in Cuba, where it spread
from the peasantry to become a symbol of elegance in Havana, and with
such foreign devotees as Ernest Hemingway.
Nowadays, most guayaberas—with short sleeves and long—are made in Mexico
or China, mainly from cotton or synthetic fabrics that conveniently dry
quickly when washed.
But there are still tailors in Miami who care deeply about the craft and
some of them are looking to update the style for younger men.
A few retailers are pushing wild new incarnations including
guayabera-inspired baby wear, dresses, tunics—and even outfits for dogs.
The main focus, though, is on trying to make the shirt cooler for the
young people who are now among the city's chief fashion consumers.
As the scion of guayabera royalty, Louis Puig, 52, knows the new target
customer well.
His father Ramón, a noted tailor, earned a reputation back in Cuba as a
guayabera wizard, then built on it in Miami, where he re-established
himself as king of the Guayaberas. Now that "el Rey de las Guayaberas"
has passed away, the younger Mr. Puig—who had a career here as a disco
DJ and owns Club Space, one of Miami's most famous electronic music
clubs—is trying to jazz up the family business with a flashy new
boutique in downtown Miami, a world away from Little Havana, where his
father set up shop in 1971.
Pricey linen and cotton guayaberas with stripes and in bold colors hang
from racks—a revolutionary departure from the traditional white, beige
or light- blue look. There are guayabera-style dresses for women.
The old store is cluttered with mementos and rolls of fabric; the new
downtown boutique, rebranded "Ramón Puig Guayaberas," has portraits of
sexy models strutting their guayaberas on South Beach's Ocean Drive.
Enlarge Image
image
image
Guayabera
"The guayabera is the coolest thing in the world," says the younger Mr.
Puig, adding, "It's not just your dad's shirt anymore. It's Cuban cool."
The guayabera's roots are a mystery, but tales point to 18th-century
rural Cuba, where a Spanish settler asked his wife to make a shirt with
extra pockets, a design that local guava pickers found practical
(Guayaba is Spanish for guava.)
Others say the name derives from the Yayabo river, near the Cuban town
of Sancti Spiritus. In any case, the shirt allowed planters and soldiers
to beat the heat, and quickly spread to other Spanish outposts in Latin
America and Southeast Asia. Cuban doctors and legionnaires also took it
to Africa during the Cold War.
After the Cuban Revolution, the guayabera's manufacturing heartland
moved to Mexico's Yucatán Peninsula, where makers added embroidery.
Its popularity there was enshrined in the early 1970s by Mexican
President Luis Echeverría, an aficionado of the shirt, says Mike Knoll,
a folklorist at HistoryMiami, formerly the Historical Museum of Southern
Florida.
Today, the guayabera is also known as a "Mexican wedding shirt," and has
become popular attire at tropical destination weddings. It remains a
favorite among Latin American heads of state, including Mr. Castro
himself, who has worn them at summits. Since 2010, the guayabera has
been the official garment of Cuban diplomats.
Today in Miami, however, the shirt faces obstacles in winning recent
Cuban immigrants, who lived under the island's Communist regime and have
a less romantic view of many old traditions, including guayabera fashions.
Mr. Knoll, who curated an exhibit on the shirt, says that on the island
the garment is "not nearly as beloved as it once was." Most newer Cuban
immigrants associate it with state security agents and stodgy
revolutionary officials.
Miami-based Rafael Contreras Jr., whose D'Accord-brand guayaberas are
made in Yucatán and sold around the world, says love for the guayabera
shrinks and expands. In the '80s, youngsters in Miami wore them with
jeans and cowboy boots at nightclubs, he says.
Now some young people want "guayamisas"—a cross between a guayabera and
a simpler dress shirt.
They like the untucked style and fine pleats—but "they don't want
pockets" because they give the shirt a more streamlined look, he says.
Louis McMillian, a 34 year-old commercial Realtor who grew up in Miami,
is a big fan of the garment. He said he has seven guayaberas, and he
wears one at least once a week, sometimes at work. He says that they're
sharp, comfortable in Miami's steamy weather, and help strike up
conversation with clients.
"You can wear it with jeans and still looks good," he says. They also
remind him of his Cuban grandfather, who introduced him to the shirt.
"To me it's something special," Mr. McMillian says.
With some refurbishing, loyalists are confident that the guayabera can
prove as resilient as Mr. Castro, the bearded comandante who still
haunts many here.
"I don't know of a Cuban in Miami who doesn't own at least one or two,"
says Mike Valdés-Fauli, a second-generation Cuban-American. The 33-year
old marketing executive owns three—two that his grandfather bought him,
and one in pink that he purchased himself. He wears the shirts mostly at
family gatherings.
Write to Ángel González at angel.gonzalez@dowjones.com
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887324481204578179370815982916.html
Cuba's Free-Market Farm Experiment Yields a Meager Crop
Cuba's Free-Market Farm Experiment Yields a Meager Crop
Feeding the People in Cuba: Last year, President Raúl Castro legalized
small agricultural businesses as part of an effort to revive the economy.
By DAMIEN CAVE
Published: December 8, 2012
HAVANA — Cuba's liveliest experiment with capitalism unfolds every night
in a dirt lot on the edge of the capital, where Truman-era trucks
lugging fresh produce meet up with hundreds of buyers on creaking
bicycle carts clutching wads of cash.
"This place, it feeds all of Havana," said Misael Toledo, 37, who owns
three small food stores in the city. "Before, you could only buy or sell
in the markets of Fidel."
The agriculture exchange, which sprang up last year after the Cuban
government legalized a broader range of small businesses, is a vivid
sign of both how much the country has changed, and of all the political
and practical limitations that continue to hold it back.
President Raúl Castro has made agriculture priority No. 1 in his attempt
to remake the country. He used his first major presidential address in
2007 to zero in on farming, describing weeds conquering fallow fields
and the need to ensure that "anyone who wants can drink a glass of milk."
No other industry has seen as much liberalization, with a steady rollout
of incentives for farmers. And Mr. Castro has been explicit about his
reasoning: increasing efficiency and food production to replace imports
that cost Cuba hundreds of millions of dollars a year is a matter "of
national security."
Yet at this point, by most measures, the project has failed. Because of
waste, poor management, policy constraints, transportation limits, theft
and other problems, overall efficiency has dropped: many Cubans are
actually seeing less food at private markets. That is the case despite
an increase in the number of farmers and production gains for certain
items. A recent study from the University of Havana showed that market
prices jumped by nearly 20 percent in 2011 alone. And food imports
increased to an estimated $1.7 billion last year, up from $1.4 billion
in 2006.
"It's the first instance of Cuba's leader not being able to get done
what he said he would," said Jorge I. Domínguez, vice provost for
international affairs at Harvard, who left Cuba as a boy. "The published
statistical results are really very discouraging."
A major cause: poor transportation, as trucks are in short supply, and
the aging ones that exist often break down.
In 2009, hundreds of tons of tomatoes, part of a bumper crop that year,
rotted because of a lack of transportation by the government agency
charged with bringing food to processing centers.
"It's worse when it rains," said Javier González, 27, a farmer in
Artemisa Province who described often seeing crops wilt and rot because
they were not picked up.
Behind him were the 33 fertile, rent-free acres he had been granted as
part of a program Mr. Castro introduced in 2008 to encourage rural
residents to work the land. After clearing it himself and planting a
variety of crops, Mr. Gonzalez said, he was doing relatively well and
earned more last year than his father, who is a doctor, did.
But Cuba's inefficiencies gnawed at him. Smart, strong, and ambitious,
he had expansion plans in mind, even as in his hand he held a wrench. He
was repairing a tractor part meant to be grading land. It was broken. Again.
The 1980s Soviet model tractor he bought from another farmer was as
about good as it gets in Cuba. The Cuban government maintains a monopoly
on selling anything new, and there simply is not enough of anything —
fertilizer, or sometimes even machetes — to go around.
Government economists are aware of the problem. "If you give people land
and no resources, it doesn't matter what happens on the land," said
Joaquin Infante of the Havana-based Cuban National Association of
Economists.
But Mr. Castro has refused to allow what many farmers and experts see as
an obvious solution to the shortages of transportation and equipment:
Let people import supplies on their own. "It's about control," said
Philip Peters, a Cuba analyst with the Lexington Institute, a
Virginia-based research group.
Other analysts agree, noting that though the agricultural reforms have
gone farther than other changes — like those that allow for
self-employment — they remain constrained by politics.
"The government is not ready to let go," said Ted Henken, a Latin
American studies professor at Baruch College. "They are sending the
message that they want to let go, or are trying to let go, but what they
have is still a mechanism of control."
For many farmers, that explains why land leases last for 10 years with a
chance to renew, not indefinitely or the 99 years offered to foreign
developers. It is also why many farmers say they will not build homes on
the land they lease, despite a concession this year to allow doing so.
Mistrust is widespread. To get the growth Mr. Castro wants in
agriculture and the economy, people need to trust the government,
analysts say. But after half a century of strict control, many Cubans
doubt proclamations from officials, who insist that this time, despite
previous crackdowns, private enterprise will be supported.
Some farmers still wonder when the government is going to swoop in and
take what they have built.
"What concerns me is that in a place like this, after five or six years
the state might need the land to complete some kind of project," said
Reinaldo Berdecia, who is raising cows outside Havana.
Cubans also say they worry that the bureaucrats responsible for managing
the country's complex mix of state-run and private agriculture lack the
knowledge needed to make the system work. In the fall, there were piles
of bananas rotting all over Havana, for example. Farmers say the
government guaranteed a price that was too high, failing to recognize
that because bananas require less investment and their planting season
is short, farmers would overproduce.
At a recent visit to the market near the Havana airport, these
frustrations, hopes and fears were on view. From the backs of trucks as
old as retirees, sunburned farmers in black rubber boots tossed onions,
lettuce and other items to colleagues who weighed them for sale, as a
crush of buyers approached. Every truck that arrived was immediately
surrounded, mostly by young men shouting and elbowing for access.
It was a sign that demand still outpaces supply, and in the middle of
the rush to buy wholesale, not everyone seemed certain free markets were
the way to go. Wary government inspectors watched for sales occurring
before the official start time of 6 p.m. Jose Ramón Murgado, 40, a
member of the farmers union, said the government had introduced too much
chaos into the system.
"Capitalism means higher prices," he said. "That's the problem."
But high prices were also leading to adaptation and efficiency. Some
farmers from eastern Cuba said they held back loads of onions, a chief
ingredient in sofrito sauce, a basis of Cuban cuisine, until after
harvest season, because they could earn more per pound. Other farmers
watching nearby seemed ready to follow their lead.
For Mr. Castro and his government, the success or failure of the reforms
with agriculture and other parts of the economy may come down to these
innovators who inspire others to greater productivity — people like Mr.
Toledo, the owner of three small stores that he supplies with produce
from the market.
He spent a decade driving trucks in Florida and Spain, and with
confidence, a few extra pounds and some money saved, he returned a year
ago to take advantage of Cuba's new opportunities.
He has his own truck now, along with six employees scouring the market
for deals. Agriculture has given him a boost, as it has others who have
taken a chance on private farming. But the question many across Cuba are
asking is: How far will Mr. Castro's socialist government let them rise?
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/12/09/world/americas/changes-to-agriculture-highlight-cubas-problems.html?_r=0&pagewanted=all
Feeding the People in Cuba: Last year, President Raúl Castro legalized
small agricultural businesses as part of an effort to revive the economy.
By DAMIEN CAVE
Published: December 8, 2012
HAVANA — Cuba's liveliest experiment with capitalism unfolds every night
in a dirt lot on the edge of the capital, where Truman-era trucks
lugging fresh produce meet up with hundreds of buyers on creaking
bicycle carts clutching wads of cash.
"This place, it feeds all of Havana," said Misael Toledo, 37, who owns
three small food stores in the city. "Before, you could only buy or sell
in the markets of Fidel."
The agriculture exchange, which sprang up last year after the Cuban
government legalized a broader range of small businesses, is a vivid
sign of both how much the country has changed, and of all the political
and practical limitations that continue to hold it back.
President Raúl Castro has made agriculture priority No. 1 in his attempt
to remake the country. He used his first major presidential address in
2007 to zero in on farming, describing weeds conquering fallow fields
and the need to ensure that "anyone who wants can drink a glass of milk."
No other industry has seen as much liberalization, with a steady rollout
of incentives for farmers. And Mr. Castro has been explicit about his
reasoning: increasing efficiency and food production to replace imports
that cost Cuba hundreds of millions of dollars a year is a matter "of
national security."
Yet at this point, by most measures, the project has failed. Because of
waste, poor management, policy constraints, transportation limits, theft
and other problems, overall efficiency has dropped: many Cubans are
actually seeing less food at private markets. That is the case despite
an increase in the number of farmers and production gains for certain
items. A recent study from the University of Havana showed that market
prices jumped by nearly 20 percent in 2011 alone. And food imports
increased to an estimated $1.7 billion last year, up from $1.4 billion
in 2006.
"It's the first instance of Cuba's leader not being able to get done
what he said he would," said Jorge I. Domínguez, vice provost for
international affairs at Harvard, who left Cuba as a boy. "The published
statistical results are really very discouraging."
A major cause: poor transportation, as trucks are in short supply, and
the aging ones that exist often break down.
In 2009, hundreds of tons of tomatoes, part of a bumper crop that year,
rotted because of a lack of transportation by the government agency
charged with bringing food to processing centers.
"It's worse when it rains," said Javier González, 27, a farmer in
Artemisa Province who described often seeing crops wilt and rot because
they were not picked up.
Behind him were the 33 fertile, rent-free acres he had been granted as
part of a program Mr. Castro introduced in 2008 to encourage rural
residents to work the land. After clearing it himself and planting a
variety of crops, Mr. Gonzalez said, he was doing relatively well and
earned more last year than his father, who is a doctor, did.
But Cuba's inefficiencies gnawed at him. Smart, strong, and ambitious,
he had expansion plans in mind, even as in his hand he held a wrench. He
was repairing a tractor part meant to be grading land. It was broken. Again.
The 1980s Soviet model tractor he bought from another farmer was as
about good as it gets in Cuba. The Cuban government maintains a monopoly
on selling anything new, and there simply is not enough of anything —
fertilizer, or sometimes even machetes — to go around.
Government economists are aware of the problem. "If you give people land
and no resources, it doesn't matter what happens on the land," said
Joaquin Infante of the Havana-based Cuban National Association of
Economists.
But Mr. Castro has refused to allow what many farmers and experts see as
an obvious solution to the shortages of transportation and equipment:
Let people import supplies on their own. "It's about control," said
Philip Peters, a Cuba analyst with the Lexington Institute, a
Virginia-based research group.
Other analysts agree, noting that though the agricultural reforms have
gone farther than other changes — like those that allow for
self-employment — they remain constrained by politics.
"The government is not ready to let go," said Ted Henken, a Latin
American studies professor at Baruch College. "They are sending the
message that they want to let go, or are trying to let go, but what they
have is still a mechanism of control."
For many farmers, that explains why land leases last for 10 years with a
chance to renew, not indefinitely or the 99 years offered to foreign
developers. It is also why many farmers say they will not build homes on
the land they lease, despite a concession this year to allow doing so.
Mistrust is widespread. To get the growth Mr. Castro wants in
agriculture and the economy, people need to trust the government,
analysts say. But after half a century of strict control, many Cubans
doubt proclamations from officials, who insist that this time, despite
previous crackdowns, private enterprise will be supported.
Some farmers still wonder when the government is going to swoop in and
take what they have built.
"What concerns me is that in a place like this, after five or six years
the state might need the land to complete some kind of project," said
Reinaldo Berdecia, who is raising cows outside Havana.
Cubans also say they worry that the bureaucrats responsible for managing
the country's complex mix of state-run and private agriculture lack the
knowledge needed to make the system work. In the fall, there were piles
of bananas rotting all over Havana, for example. Farmers say the
government guaranteed a price that was too high, failing to recognize
that because bananas require less investment and their planting season
is short, farmers would overproduce.
At a recent visit to the market near the Havana airport, these
frustrations, hopes and fears were on view. From the backs of trucks as
old as retirees, sunburned farmers in black rubber boots tossed onions,
lettuce and other items to colleagues who weighed them for sale, as a
crush of buyers approached. Every truck that arrived was immediately
surrounded, mostly by young men shouting and elbowing for access.
It was a sign that demand still outpaces supply, and in the middle of
the rush to buy wholesale, not everyone seemed certain free markets were
the way to go. Wary government inspectors watched for sales occurring
before the official start time of 6 p.m. Jose Ramón Murgado, 40, a
member of the farmers union, said the government had introduced too much
chaos into the system.
"Capitalism means higher prices," he said. "That's the problem."
But high prices were also leading to adaptation and efficiency. Some
farmers from eastern Cuba said they held back loads of onions, a chief
ingredient in sofrito sauce, a basis of Cuban cuisine, until after
harvest season, because they could earn more per pound. Other farmers
watching nearby seemed ready to follow their lead.
For Mr. Castro and his government, the success or failure of the reforms
with agriculture and other parts of the economy may come down to these
innovators who inspire others to greater productivity — people like Mr.
Toledo, the owner of three small stores that he supplies with produce
from the market.
He spent a decade driving trucks in Florida and Spain, and with
confidence, a few extra pounds and some money saved, he returned a year
ago to take advantage of Cuba's new opportunities.
He has his own truck now, along with six employees scouring the market
for deals. Agriculture has given him a boost, as it has others who have
taken a chance on private farming. But the question many across Cuba are
asking is: How far will Mr. Castro's socialist government let them rise?
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/12/09/world/americas/changes-to-agriculture-highlight-cubas-problems.html?_r=0&pagewanted=all
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